The article is devoted to the specifics of Renaissance historiography and mythography. The description of the foundation of Lviv by Johann Alembek is placed in the broad context of Renaissance historiography. Starting with the question of why I. Alembek paid the most attention to the invitation of Armenian soldiers by Princes Daniel and Leo in his story, it is further investigated which models of city founding were considered prestigious at that time and why. Renaissance concepts of time and ethnogenesis, as well as ideas about "Troy" and "Asia" in humanistic literature are analyzed.

The question of the beginnings of the city was already asked by ancient Roman historians, who began their works "from the foundation of the city" ("ab urbe condita"). The revival of interest in the ancient heritage and the growing role of cities in the Renaissance contributed to the actualization of interest in the history of cities in Western Europe. In the second half of the 16th century, a project of describing the most important cities in the world in words and images emerged. The authors of the idea of the atlas of cities were the Cologne theologian Georg Braun (1541-1622) and the engraver and publisher Franz Hohenberg (1535/1538-1590). The six-volume work under the general title " cities of the earth's circle "("Civitates Orbis Terrarum"), which contained 546-554 (in various editions) engravings, was published in Cologne with 1572 to 1617. ¹ an engraving depicting a particular city was accompanied by a brief description of it, which, as a rule, also contained a certificate of the city's origins. In the sixth volume (1617), an engraving depicting Lviv was published, and with the most detailed description compared to other cities - ^two full pages in small print2. The author of the text was a Lviv apothecary and humanist-Johann Alembeck (c. 1570-1636), also known as Alnpech or Alnpekius (Hans Alnpech, Ioannes Alnpekius). The description of Lviv in the sixth volume of the atlas is an abridged version of the work of I. Alembek, the full version of which is called "Topography of the city of Lviv"("Topographia civitatis Leopolitanae") ³.

Osipyan Alexander Leonidovich-Candidate of Historical Sciences, Associate Professor of the Department of History and Cultural Studies of the Kramatorsk Institute of Economics and Humanities. E-mail: agricolae_ua@yahoo.com

Continuation of the study, the first part of which ("Torogarchia civitatis Leopolitanae" Johan na Alembeka of the early 17th century. as a source on the history of Lviv: cognitive framework, narrative strategies") see: Ukrainian Historical Journal, 2010, No. 4, pp. 192-222.

The article is the result of internships at the Jagiellonian and Warsaw Universities, as well as at the German Historical Institute in Warsaw. The author expresses his sincere gratitude to the Józef Mianowski Foundation for the Support of Polish Science and the Robert Bosch Foundation for the financial support of the internship.

¹ Civitates orbis terrarium [Electronic resource]: http://historic-cities.huji.ac.il/mapmakers/braun_ hogenberg.html Electronic version of a unique map monument of the XVI-XVII centuries. Atlas of World Cities [Electronic resource]: http://conf.cpic.ru/upload/eva2007/reports/doklad_1303.doc

^{Braun G.} 2 Civitates orbis terrarum: Urbium praeciparum totius mundi. - Coloniae Aggrippinae, 1617. - Vol. 6. - N 49.

³ Central State Historical Archive of Ukraine, Lviv. - F. 52. - Op. 2. - Spr. 1153. in 1930, the manuscript was published by the Polish historian S. Rakhwal (see: Rachwał S. Jan Alnpek i jego

Naturally, the description of the city I. Alembek begins with a story about its foundation:

"Leo, son of Daniel, the mighty king of Southern Russia, grandson of Prince Roman of Vladimir and Galicia, founded the city of Lviv about 1270 from the incarnation of our Saviour, with two castles, one in the city, the other on a high mountain rising above the city; he built them out of wood, just as they are now being built in the northern regions. He surrounded the city with a rampart, as well as two wide and deep moats. [Leo] settled in Lviv Armenians, Asiatic warriors, [with] weapons, clothing and language [like] the Tatars, under whose rule they once grew up between the mountains of the Taurus and the Caucasus, [and] once occupied Cilicia, [because] their father (that is, Daniel- A. A.) either destroyed enemy groups of Russian princes, or inclined them to his will, as a result of which he acquired great power and formed a monarchy in Southern Russia. 1280 Leo did not conduct a very successful war with the Poles, namely with Leszek the Black, Prince of Cracow and Sandomierz, and since then the Ruthenians and the Poles have repeatedly competed with each other in enemy raids and devastation [of lands]."⁴

This narrative raises a number of questions. First, why does I. Alembek "populate" the city with Armenians, but not with Autochthonous Rusyns or his German compatriots (after all, he was a descendant of German migrants)? For some reason, Rusyns and Germans do not appear at all in the plot about the founding of the city and only appear in the next one, where it is about the conquest of Lviv and Russia by the Polish King Casimir III in 1340. Secondly, why does I. Alembek write specifically about Armenian soldiers, although the Armenians of Lviv who were contemporary to him were merchants and artisans, and how could they have ended up in the possessions of Daniel and Lev Danilovich? Third, why does I. Alembek emphasize the Asian origin and Tatar features of Armenian soldiers? Fourth, given that I. Alembek's" topography " is one of the earliest descriptions of Lviv, the question arises, what sources did he use especially when describing the Armenian settlers?

To better understand the author's motivation, which influenced both the composition of the work and the narrative strategies chosen by him, it is also necessary to understand the general intellectual context of the era, which provided communication between the author and readers within a certain coordinate system recognized by them. Readers of old literature and historians are constantly confronted with the mysteries of the world of authors and the works they write.

"Opis miasta Lwowa" z początku XVII w.-Lwów, 1930. - S. 10-25), but so far it has not become an object of special study as a historical and literary monument.

⁴ "Leo, Danielis Russorum Australium Regis Potentissimi flius, Romani Wla di mi rien sium et Haliciensium ducis nepos, Leopolim circa annum salutis nostrae instauratae MCCLXX condidit cum duabus arcibus, quarum unam in oppido, aliam vero in eminentissimo scopulo extra oppidum pendente, ligneas tamen, quales et nunc in Septentrione fabricantur, extruxit. Oppidum vallo et fossis duabus latis et profundis circumdedit. Armenos Asiaticos milites armis, vestitu et lingua Tartarorum, sub quorum imperio aliquando inter Taurum et Caucasum montes ortos, quondam Ciliciam occupatos quorum opera pater adversae factionis duces Russorum vel domuit, vel in suam sententiam adduxit, ob idque magnam sibi potentiam et fere Monarchiam in Russis Australibus faciebat, Leopoli locavit. Anno MCCLXXX Leo cum Polonis et Lescone Nigro, Principe Cracoviensi et Sendomiriensi minus prospere belligeratus est, a quo tempore Russi cum Polonis crebris inter se odiis incursionibus, depopulationibus certabant"

(див.: Alnpekius I. Topographia civitatis Leopolitanae // Rachwał S. Jan Alnpek i jego "Opis miasta Lwowa" z początku XVII w. - Lwów, 1930).

they study it. Difficulties may arise from simply not knowing what a Renaissance or medieval author felt, understood, or aspired to when he used a particular word, or referred to a particular reference frame.⁵

I. Alembek's interests went far beyond the pharmacological field. It is known that in 1591 he studied at the University of Padua. He also maintained contacts with the Western European humanists Jerome Dawes (1545-1604) and Justus Lipsius (1547-1606). In the course of his life, I. Alembek collected a rather large library, as for those times, which was started by his father. According to the inventory of ^Johann Alembeck's estate, compiled after his death in 1636,6 it contained about 230 books, but only 183 were mentioned in the register by author and title. ⁷ There were treatises on medicine, chemistry, alchemy, astronomy, astrology, and other fields of knowledge. I. Alembek's real passion was humanities-history, geography, language culture, fiction, philosophy and religion. These books accounted for 44.26% of the identified ⁸. Moreover, 111 books, i.e. 60.6%, were Latin-language ⁹. All this makes it possible to attribute Johann Alembek to the number of Lviv humanists.

The narrative about the foundation of Lviv and its Russian period is compilative. The main source for I. Alembek was the work "on the origin and deeds of the Poles 30 books "("De origine et rebus gestis Polonorum libri XXX") Marcin Kromera (1512-1589) ¹⁰. in the second half of the XVI - first half of the XVII century. It was the most authoritative source on the history of Poland, both in the country itself and in Western Europe. From M. Kromer, I. Alembek borrowed information about Daniel's establishment of sole power in Southern Rus'¹¹, Leo's war against Prince Leszko the Black of Cracow, and the latter's campaign against Russia in 1280, to which M. Kromer linked the mention of the foundation of Lviv ¹². From the same author, I. Alembek took a story about the conquest of Russia by Casimir III, a description of the treasures taken to Cracow13, and the foundation of a Catholic archdiocese on Russian lands 14.

The situation is much more complicated with the place where I. Alembek writes about Armenian soldiers. It is based on information from the work of the Armenian aristocrat Getum of Korikos (c. 1245-c. 1320), also known as Getum Patmich ("historian") or Haiton the Armenian. Getum belonged to the ruling dynasty of the Faithful Kingdom of Cilicia (Eastern Mediterranean). In 1307, he was on a mission to the court of Pope Clement V in Poitiers (France). There's a Getum

^{Borchardt F.L} 5. German Antiquity in Renaissance Myth. - Baltimore; London, 1971. - P. 1.

^{Skoczek J.} 6 Lwowskie inwentarze biblioteczne w epoce renesansu. - Lwów, 1939. - S. 334-346.

^{Różycki E.} 7 Alembekowie i ich księgozbiory: Z dziejów kultury umysłowej mieszczaństwa lwow ski ego okresu renesansu i baroku. - Katowice, 2001. - S. 67.

⁸ Ibid. - S. 158.

⁹ Ibid.

^{Cromerus M} 10. De origine et rebvs gestis Polonorum libri XXX. - Coloniae Agrippinae, 1589.

^{Alnpekius I} 11. Topographia civitatis Leopolitanae. - P. 10; Cromerus M. Polonia, siue De origine et rebvs gestis Polonorum libri XXX. - Coloniae Agrippinae, 1589. - P. 161.

^{Alnpekius I} 12. Topographia civitatis Leopolitanae. - P. 10; Cromerus M. Polonia, siue De origine et rebvs gestis Polonorum libri XXX. - P. 171.

^{Alnpekius I} 13. Topographia civitatis Leopolitanae. - P. 11; Cromerus M. Polonia, siue De origine et rebvs gestis Polonorum libri XXX. - P. 207.

^{Alnpekius I} 14. Topographia civitatis Leopolitanae. - P. 14; Cromerus M. Polonia, siue De origine et rebvs gestis Polonorum libri XXX. - P. 217.

He presented his project of a new crusade, in which the crusaders were to be assisted not only by Armenians and other Christians of the East, but also by the Ilkhans, the Tatar rulers of Persia (under their suzerainty were the kings of Cilicia).¹⁵. in his treatise, Getum described Asia, which he divided into 14 kingdoms, Egypt and gave the history of the Tatars and their relations with the Egyptian sultans at that time, against which it was planned to direct the combined efforts of the allies. (The Getum dictated its description to the pope's secretary, Nicolas Falcon, in Old French, and later, at the request of Clement V, the text was translated into Latin.) Goethum's work, known as "Flos historiarum terre orientis", was very popular in late Medieval Europe. [¹⁶] The Latin text was published in 1529, 1532 (twice), 1537, 1555, 1585, and later. [¹⁷] Translations into German, Italian, Dutch, and other languages were published. Spanish languages, as well as the original French.

In the description of Armenia, in particular, there is a sentence that could have been used by I. Alembek. It goes like this:

"The peoples living on the Armenian land have different names associated with the countries and regions of their origin, and they are serviceable warriors both in cavalry and infantry - they imitate the Tatars with weapons, horses and clothing, under whose rule they lived for a long time"¹⁸.

As can be seen from the comparative analysis, I. Alembek combined excerpts from Goetum and M. Kromer into one sentence. Between these two products - the distance in

¹⁵ For more information about Hetoum, his treatise and project, see: Burger G. Hetoum's Text / / Hetoum. A Lytell Cronycle: Ri chard Pynson's Translation (1520) of La Fleur des histories de la terre d'Orient (1307) / Ed. by G.Burger. - To ron to, 1988. - P. XXII-XXIII; Eiusdem. Cilician Armenian métissage and Hetoum's " La Fleur des histories de la terre d'Orient" // The Postcolonial Middle Ages / Ed. by J.J.Cohen. - Basingstoke, 2000. - P. 67-83.

¹⁶ at least 15 handwritten copies in Old French and 31 copies in Latin have survived to our time (see: Kohler C. Introduction / / Recueil des historiens des croisades: Documents Arméniens. - T. 2: Documents latins et français relatifs à l'Arménie. - Paris, 1906. - P. LXXXV-CXXII).

¹⁷ Ibid. - P. CXXII-CXXVI.

^Hayton. 18 La for des estoires de la terre d'Orient / / Recueil des historiens des croisades: Documents Arméniens. - T. 2. - P. 128 (in French), P. 268 (in Latin).

two and a half centuries. Their authors worked with a completely different goal. The most important thing is that neither M. Kromer nor Getum connected the information they provided with the foundation of Lviv. Moreover, the Polish chronicler did not write anything about the Armenian soldiers in Daniel's army, and the historian from Cilicia did not mention Daniel, Galician Russia, or any Armenian soldiers anywhere in his treatise. Thus, by combining information from unrelated sources, I. Alembek not only combined two messages into one, but also added something from himself and, most importantly, gave it a completely new meaning. How could this happen? What were the mechanisms of such a creative compilation? What was the purpose of I. Alembek's obvious transformation of information from his sources? How could all this be influenced by the cultural context of the Renaissance and the realities of the contemporary Lviv environment?

* * *

Judging by the collection materials, the earliest of which are preserved from the last quarter of the 14th century, ¹⁹ the Armenians who settled in Lviv in the second half of the 13th-14th centuries. They were mainly merchants and artisans. It is known that Prince Daniel and his successors helped to relocate enterprising burghers from different countries to their possessions in order to restore cities that had suffered serious devastation as a result of the Tatar attack. From Silesia and Poland, German merchants and artisans moved to Lviv, who, like other ethno-confessional groups, formed an autonomous community with their own legal proceedings in German law ("jus teutonicum"). After the Polish conquest of Galician Rus '(1349), the local German burghers ("cives catholici") became the dominant group, as Catholics enjoyed the support of the Polish kings. The latter continued to encourage German migration to the city. In the second half of the 15th century Lviv turned into Lemberg with many features typical of German cities. In 1356, King Casimir III granted Magdeburg rights, but in fact they were used only by Catholic burghers. Representatives of other faiths were allowed to maintain autonomous judicial proceedings. Thus, four "nations" were formed in the city: Catholics, Armenians, Ruthenians and Jews.

Catholic philistines mostly treated heretical "nations", i.e. Armenians and Rusyns, in the same way as they used to treat Jews in Germany and Poland (i.e., as marginals) and applied segregation and marginalization strategies to them. Infidels ("schysmatici") were not accepted into the urban community. They were not considered citizens ("cives") Lviv. All members of the city's magistrate were Roman Catholics. In the central part of the city, protected by the Murom, special plots were set aside for Armenians, Rusyns and Jews. Infidels could not buy real estate on Catholic-populated streets. For this reason, most heretics and Jews lived in the suburbs.

¹⁹ Pomniki dziejów Lwowa z archiwum miasta. - T. 1: Najstarsza księga miejska: 1382-1389 / Wyd. A.Czołowski. - Lwów,1892. - 448 s. Also, for the first known register of real estate tax-paying Armenians in Lviv dated 1407, see Pomniki dziejów Lwowa z archiwum miasta. - T. 2: Księga przychodów i rozshodów miasta: 1404-1414 / Wyd. A. Czołowski. - Lwów, 1896. - S. 41.

The economic rights of non-Catholics were significantly restricted. They were not accepted into craft workshops. Accordingly, artisans-heretics and Jews - were forced to work illegally, which provoked numerous conflicts with the guilds. Catholics had no right to be hired laborers or domestic servants for infidel merchants. This was banned by the city authorities. In the interests of Catholic merchants, Armenians, Rusyns, and Jews were forbidden to trade certain goods. ²⁰ Consequently, non-Catholics lived in the city, protected it from enemies, and paid taxes, but were not full members of the city community.

Armenian merchants were well known for their trade with the Crimea, the Ottoman Empire, and Persia. Many of them were interpreters in the royal chancellery, and some carried out diplomatic or espionage missions in the countries of the East. ²¹ If necessary, Armenians provided loans to the kings, who, in turn, took them under their protection.

In the second half of the 16th century, tensions between the Armenian and Catholic "nations" grew. As a result of the great geographical discoveries and the functioning of the sea route to India, Western European merchants supplied spices to their markets without intermediaries. Accordingly, the Armenians who had previously transported goods to Europe by land, seeing the gradual decline of their traditional sphere of activity, were forced to look for another niche. In particular, from the middle of the XVI century. they paid more attention to internal trade in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and the export of agricultural products (grain), cattle breeding (oxen), "forest products", etc.to Western Europe. This provoked intense competition, especially in the retail trade of alcoholic beverages, which Catholic philistines traditionally considered their field. In the summer of 1578, during the stay in Lviv of the new king - Stefan Batory (1576-1586) - a trial was held between Catholic philistines and the Armenian community. The former stated that due to the difference in religion and language, Armenians are strangers and cannot apply for full city citizenship. In order to get equal rights with Catholics, local Armenians emphasized that their ancestors were invited by the Galician Prince Daniel ²² when the city was founded and settled in Lviv by his son Leo along with other "nations". Thus, they, as descendants of those Armenians, should not be treated as strangers, but as fellow citizens ("concives"). As a result, the king granted Armenians, as his loyal subjects, equal rights with Catholics.²³

Between 1597-1600, Catholic townspeople filed a complaint to Queen Sigismund III (1587-1632). This time, they were better prepared to read historical texts.

^{Charewiczowa Ł.} 20 Ograniczenia gospodarcze nacyj schyzmatyckich i żydów we Lwowie XV- XVI w. - Lwów, 1925.

^{Baranowski B.} 21 Ormianie w służbe dyplomatycznej Rzeczypospolitej // Myśl karaimska: Rocznik naukowo-społeczny: Seria Nowa. - T.I (1945-1946). - R.XXIII. - Wrocław, 1946. - S. 119-137.

²² According to a later testimony from 1597 by the Catholic Archbishop of Lviv, Jan-Dimitar Solikivsky (1583-1603), the Armenians at the trial of 1578 demonstrated to the Queen the charter of Prince Daniel Fedorovich (actually Romanovich) (see: Kapral N. N. national communities of Lviv of the XVI-XVIII centuries: Social and legal relations. - L., 2003, pp. 368-369).

²³ "Sed Armenis fortuna arrisit, atque Civibus Armeni decreto Regio exaequati sunt". ("However, this time fortune smiled on the Armenians, as the king, by his decree, equated the Armenians with the citizens of [the city]") (see: Ioannis Demetrii Solicovii. Commentarius brevis rerum Polonicarum a morte Sigismundi Augusti. - Dantisci, 1647. - Р. 108). For the text of the royal decree, see: privileges of the national communities of the city of Lviv ( XIV-XVIII centuries) / N. M. Kapral. - L., 2000. - P. 299.

chronicles. The Catholics considered the Armenians ' claim to invite their ancestors plausible, but they accused those Armenian soldiers of participating in the enemy attacks carried out by Princes Daniel and Leo together with the Tatars in the 1250s and 1280s against the Kingdom of Poland. ²⁴ Thus, the ancestors of the Lviv Armenians were presented as enemies of the Polish Crown and allies of the Tatars! The Catholics won the 1600 lawsuit and effectively restored the state of affairs to the 1578 royal decree.²⁵ how the Catholic townspeople constructed a profitable version of the settlement of their Armenian competitors in Lviv deserves a separate study. We only note that this version was based on several excerpts from M. Kromer's treatise "on the origin and deeds of the Poles", which were combined with excerpts from other works and all this was subjected to a very arbitrary interpretation. M. Kromer, of course, was an authority, and the mention of authority strengthened the position of those who attributed to the famous chronicler even what he never claimed.

Thus, in Lviv, the interests of the population were updated in connection with the trials of 1578 and 1600. If earlier the population did not attach much weight to the question of the foundation of the city and was content with the legends recorded at the same time by the inquisitive Martin Gruneveg, now a vision of the past began to form, which was based on book knowledge. The fact that, based on the arguments set out in the complaint, the Catholic townspeople won the 1600 lawsuit made their version somewhat official. The royal decree of 1600, although it did not contain the historical arguments of the parties, however, giving preference to the Catholic philistines, its authority actually legitimized their version of the past. Thus, in the urban historical discourse, the ancestors of Lviv Armenians finally turned into "warriors".

A contemporary of those events was Johann Alembeck. Moreover, at this time, he began a long conflict with the city patriciate, which actually usurped power in the magistrate (council and lava). As a member of the "college of forty men", which defended the interests of the burghers (middle class), I. Alembek actively fought with the urban elite. He prepared several speeches, letters, and protests that he took to Krakow and Warsaw. He collected materials for them while working with the acts of the city archive. Excerpts from these documents formed the basis of another of his works ("Notabilia ex Actis Leopoliensibus").

Since neither in the city acts nor in historical works I. Alembek found any confirmation of the version about the participation of Armenian soldiers in the attacks of the Tatars and Galician princes on Poland, he did not reproduce this version in his work. On the other hand, after seeing M. Kromer's statement that "Daniel, the son of Prince Roman, either destroyed the enemy groups of princes, or inclined them to his will, as a result of which he acquired great power and usurped sole power in Southern Russia," I. Alembek decided that it was probably to fight with other princes that Daniel invited the Armenian ones warriors. Thus, the ancestors of Lviv Armenians "found themselves in the service" of Daniel

²⁴ Urivok skargi mischan-katolikiv div.: Dashkevich Ya. R. Ancient Rus and Armenia in social and political relations of the XI-XIII centuries. Drevneyshie gosudarstva na territorii SSSR: Materialy i issledovaniya (1982) [Ancient States on the territory of the USSR: Materials and Research (1982)]. Moscow, 1984, p. 195.

²⁵ privileges of national communities , pp. 304-305.

Romanovich. Logic suggested that perhaps it was precisely for helping Daniel's family in the internecine war with other princes that his son Leo settled the Armenian soldiers in the newly founded Lviv.

It can also be assumed that I. Alembek, looking for more information about the relations of Armenians with the Tatars, came across the description of Armenian soldiers in the treatise Getum, as already noted, very popular in the XIV-XVI centuries. in late medieval and Renaissance Europe, Getum was one of the greatest authorities on the history of the Tatars, and, together with Marco Polo, one of the main sources of knowledge about the countries of the East. In his typical manner, I. Alembek did not quote verbatim an excerpt from the work of Getum, but, taking as a basis information from an authoritative source, supplemented it with the necessary details. In particular, he replaced "equis" with "lingua". It is well known that in the time of I. Alembek, the Armenians of Lviv spoke the Turkic (Tatar, Kipchak) language, which was very convenient for their trade trips to the Crimean Khanate or the Ottoman Empire. The Armenians of Lviv and Kamenets also used Turkic but Armenian letters to keep records of the sessions of the courts of Armenian law (act records of the XVI-XVII centuries have been preserved) ²⁶. This was known to I. Alembek, who wrote that Armenians "use their native language during the liturgy in the church, and speak Tatar at home"²⁷.

In addition, speaking about the Armenian soldiers, I. Alembek supplemented the Getum's narrative with several historical and geographical indications, noting that they "once grew up between the mountains of the Taurus and the Caucasus, [and] were once occupied by Cilicia." Finally, he specifically emphasized that these Armenian soldiers were from Asia. Indeed, as far as we can judge from the available sources, Armenians came to Lviv, Kamianets-Podilskyi and other cities of the region mainly from the Crimea (Kafa, Sudak, Solkhat/Old Crimea) and cities of the Northern Black Sea region (Akkerman, Kilia). This was a consequence of their trading activities. Moreover, I. Alembek's contemporaries identified the Tatars primarily with the Crimean Tatars. Accordingly, it seemed logical that if the Armenians were allies of the Tatars, then they came to Russia and Lviv from the Crimea. Subsequently, since the 1630s, this version will become widespread (this is also a topic for a separate study). However, it was important for I. Alembekov to emphasize that the first settlers of Lviv-Armenian soldiers-came from Asia.

So, if we have reconstructed how I. Alembek constructed his story about the founding of Lviv and the settlement of Armenians in it, a more global question still remains unanswered: why did he attach so much weight to the Armenians in the story about the founding of the city, for which he made a special search and decorated his story with a few insignificant ones, from the modern a view, but important details for him and potential readers?

²⁶ Documents in the Polovtsian language of the 16th century. (Judicial acts of the Kamenets-Podolsk Armenian Community)/ Podg. T. I. Grunin. - Moscow, 1967. - 328 P.; Garkavets O. M. Armenian-Kipchak manuscripts in Ukraine, Armenia, Russia: Catalog. - K., 1993. - 220 p.

²⁷ "Sacra in Ecclesia nativo sermone peragunt, domi semper Tartarorum lingua utuntur" (див.: Alnpekius I. Topographia civitatis Leopolitanae. - P. 20).

Where does Asia start?

To answer this question, you will have to first give an answer to another one: What was Asia like for I. Alembek and humanists in general? Let us immediately note that the image of this continent as extremely backward, where savages, semi-savages or lazy and depraved descendants of ancient civilizations live, unable to develop independently, is the result of the rapid rise of Western Europe and its colonial expansion in this region at the end of the XVIII-XIX centuries. in the imagination of medieval and Renaissance Europe, there was a directly opposite image of Asia, which evoked completely different associations in I. Alembek and the humanists. Their knowledge was based, on the one hand, on the Biblical tradition and interpretation, and, on the other, on the ancient heritage.

The medieval and Renaissance understanding of the term "Asia"was based on the geographical vision of antiquity, where the imaginary center of the world was the Mediterranean. actually, " Asia "meant what we now call "Asia Minor", the rest of the continent was defined as "Great Asia". In addition, they also singled out "deep Asia" - the lands to the northeast of the Caucasus and the Caspian Sea. Subsequently, the term "Tartary"was assigned to these territories. Armenia thus connected Asia Minor, Major Asia, and deep Asia, since it shared borders with all three.

Even Herodotus used the concepts of "Europe" and "Asia" when explaining the causes of the Greco-Persian wars, he retold the ancient Greek myth about the abduction of Europe from Asia by Zeus. By "Europe" he meant the relatively young world of the Hellenes and their barbarian neighbors, while all the ancient civilizations are located in Asia and Libya (Africa). That is why Herodotus begins his work with a description of Egypt, Mesopotamia, Lydia, Media and Persia, noting that it was the Greeks who borrowed from this or that civilization. For the Hellenes, "Asia" began in Asia Minor. From here their ambassadors and merchants began their journeys. This is where Prince Cyrus (401 BC), described by Xenophon in the Anabasis, began his campaign. From here, Alexander the Great began the conquest of the Persian state. From here the Romans began their conquests in Asia.

"Aeneas was called Aeneus, no longer a master, dominus, but they called themselves Troyanus"

Having conquered the Carthaginian state (146 BC), the Romans formed a province here, called Africa. Subsequently (not least due to new Roman conquests) this name has spread to the entire continent, replacing the old name of Libya. Having conquered the Kingdom of Pergamum (133 BC), the Romans formed a province here, which they gave the name Asia. This is where the ruins of Troy were located. The Trojan War, sung in the Iliad and Odyssey, became a landmark event for ancient and subsequent Mediterranean-European civilizations, and these two poems served as examples of poetic creativity, in particular, for Virgil's Aeneid. As early as the third century BC, the Romans began to believe that they were descendants of some of the fugitives led by Aeneas, who left the ruins of Troy in search of a new homeland, which they found in Italy, and a few generations later Romulus and

Remus founded Rome. Subsequently, this legend became increasingly widespread, until in the time of the Emperor Augustus (30 BC - 14 AD) it was glorified in two works of enormous size and significance-the history of Rome by Titus Livy and the Aeneid by Publius Virgil Maron. From now on, the Trojan origin became part of the national myth and state ideology of the Romans. Accordingly, an official culture of remembrance was formed. An interesting illustration is the description by the Roman historian Tacitus (I-II centuries) of the visit to "Asia" of the representative of the ruling dynasty Germanicus, who was appointed governor of the eastern provinces during the time of the emperor Tiberius (14-37): "So, having visited Ilion and examined everything that was worthy of attention as a sign of the vicissitudes of fate and a monument of our origin ²⁸. The famous Troy was located in "Asia", and its closest neighbors on land were Cilicia (conquered by Pompey) and Armenia (which at that time served as a buffer state between Rome and Parthia).

In Renaissance historiography, Rome was a universal model for imitation ("Rome is the city-ruler and king, the head of the whole world"," Roma domina et regina urbium, totiusque mundi caput") ²⁹. Rome was an " eternal city "("Roma aeterna"), but not the most ancient, because it was founded by immigrants from Troy, that is, from Asia, who settled in Italy in the land of the Latins (according to the version most popularized by Livy and Virgil). The beginning of Troy itself dates back to mythical times, at least, Hercules, Apollo and Poseidon had a hand in its construction. So, if Rome was perceived as an exemplary embodiment of the idea of the city, then Troy was the prototype (archetype) of the city. The Trojan War was perceived as almost the first historical event that, in fact, separated historical time from mythical, and was on a par with the campaign of Alexander the Great, the reign of Augustus (not least thanks to the work of Livy, Virgil, Horace and Ovid in his time), and according to biblical events could be correlated with the settlement of the descendants of Noah after the flood or the construction of the Tower of Babel and the exit of the Jews from Egypt.

Already Roman poets used the Trojan War as a reference point for historical time. In particular, Publius Ovid Nason (I century BC - I century AD) wrote in his poem Metamorphoses (a kind of mythological encyclopedia): "I myself remember that during the Trojan War I was Euphorbus, the son of Pandeus." ³⁰ The Trojan War as the border between" before"and" after "appears in the poem of Lucretius (I century BC):" before the Trojan War and before the death of Troy / many poets of other countries sang the deeds " ³¹.

This understanding of the Trojan War as a basic concept of European civilization was also inherent in the Renaissance. The French humanist Michel Montaigne (1533-1592), even considering the Trojan War to be a Homeric fiction, pointed out its significance for the culture and everyday life of Europeans, wrote:

"What glory can compare with that of Homer? Nothing lives in the mouths of people as full of life as his name and his works, they do not love anything and do not know as much as Troy, the magical Helen and

²⁸ "igitur adito Ilio quaeque ibi varietate fortunae et nostri origine veneranda, relegit Asiam adpellitque Colophona" (Тацит. Annals, 2: 54).

^{Braun G} 29. Civitates orbis terrarum: Urbium praeciparum totius mundi. - Vol. 1. - N 45.

³⁰ "Ipse ego nam memini, Troiani tempore bello Panthoides Euphorbus eram" (Метаморфозы. XV, 168).

³¹ "Et supera bellum Troianum et funera Troiae Multi alias alii quoque res cecinere poetae".

wars over her, which may not have really happened. To this day, we still give our children names that were invented by them more than three thousand years ago. Who doesn't know Hector and Achilles? " ³².

Together with the creation of the world, the Nativity/Incarnation of Christ, the foundation of Rome, and the first Olympiad, the destruction of Troy has been one of the points of reference and comparison of various events on the historical scale since calculations began to create a universal chronology. An interesting sample is contained in the second volume of G. Brown's Atlas " cities of the Earth's circle "("Civitates Orbis Terrarum"), which, by the way, was already in the library of I. Alembek's father, and therefore was known to him even before writing his own essay on Lviv. In particular, the description of Mantua states that the city was founded 40 years before the Trojan War. The author (undoubtedly a great patriot of Mantua) compared the Biblical, Roman, and early Christian chronologies to find out what was happening at the same time. Referring to the authority of Paul Orosius, he noted that Rome was founded in 752 years ("ante Christi Salvatorem natalem"), and Mantua - in 1183 BC ³³. thus, in the competition for the antiquity of the origin of Mantua ahead of Rome, and its roots allegedly go back to prehistoric times - before the Trojan War!

"De fundatoribus urbium", or in search of famous founders

The myths of the founding of cities were an integral part of humanistic discourse. Some cities tried to improve their status by deriving the origin of the first settlers from the Romans and adopting such epithets as " daughter of Rome "("flia Romae"), "little Rome" ("parva Roma"), or, as in the case of Pavia and Venice, "other Rome" ("altera Roma").). Some attributed their foundation to the deeds of Romulus ' brother Remus, thus trying to prove Rome's equality (for example, the French city of Reims considered Remus its founder). Still others, probably for fleeting political reasons, sought to find in ancient times the roots of modern independence and rivalry with Rome, claiming that their city, like Rome, was founded by runaway Trojans (as, for example, Florentine historians in the XIV century), ³⁴ or to surpass Rome in terms of its ancient origin, as it is now It happened in the case of Mantua.

A significant part of such myths about the origin of cities was based on etymological exercises of lexicographers, that is, the similarity of the sound of a modern name with some famous ancient city or the name of a biblical or ancient hero or god was considered a sufficient argument. Thus, in the fourteenth century, the humanist from Verona, Guillelmo da Pastrengo, in his treatise On the Origin (De originibus, printed in 1547), derived the name of Venice from the noble family of the Aenetes from the region of Paphlagonia in Asia Minor, the name of Genoa (Ianua) - from the name of the Roman god Janus, while Ravenna in his opinion, it owes its origin to one of the titans, the descendants of Nembroth ("Nembroth") ^.35

^{Montaigne M} 32. Experiments: Essays. Moscow, 2007, p. 577.

^{Braun G} 33. Civitates orbis terrarum: Urbium praeciparum totius mundi. - Vol. 2. - N 50.

^{Jacks P.} 34 The Antiquarian and the Myth of Antiquity: The Origins of Rome in Renaissance Thought. - Cambridge, 1993. - P. 8-9.

³⁵ Ibid. - P. 76.

While some cities derived their foundation (real or fictional) from the Romans, others tried to prove their own involvement with the Trojans. Moreover, the justification of such claims was made not only with the help of legends and a very free use of etymology, but also with the use of material objects or, at least, a hint of them. It is known that after the conquest of Constantinople by the Crusaders in 1204, their Venetian allies brought several sculptures and bas-reliefs to their native city, which they installed in the very center of Venice, thus borrowing some of its power and glory from the imperial capital. In the same vein, we should probably consider the reports of the German priest Ludolf von Sudheim, who made a pilgrimage to the Holy Land around 1350. In the description of his trip, he noted that on the site of ancient Troy (at least because he considered it such), no remains can be seen, some of the underparts are under water, and as soon as something is dug up, they are immediately taken out (apparently, we are talking about the Venetians here). Ludolph was convinced that Venice was built entirely of materials imported from Troy, and that there was not a single column or hewn stone in Venice that was not of Trojan origin. Presumably, this narrative was based on the real facts of the export of antiquities by enterprising Italians from their possessions in the Aegean Sea. Ludolf also noted that Genoa was built entirely from remains brought from Athens. ³⁶ Another pilgrim, the Italian notary Nicolo Martoni of Carinola near Capua, spent a couple of days in Athens in February 1395. In his work ("Liber peregrinationis ad Loca Sancta") he claimed that in the Parthenon (at that time there was the church of Panagia, which the Latins called the Church of the Virgin Mary), gates from Troy were installed, which were moved here after the destruction of the city ³⁷. therefore, the use of prestigious stones (real or imaginary) contributed to the relocation/ borrowing of the glory and power of once glorious and powerful cities.

Where there was a lack of their own antiquities, and it was not possible to "borrow" other people's, as the Venetians and Genoese did, they had to "invent" them in order to further argue etymological or (pseudo -) historical facts.historical buildings. From the first book of the History of Rome by Titus Livy, it was known that Aeneas and Antenor both fled Troy at the same time. The first landed in Latium, and only a few generations later his descendants founded Rome here. Antenor arrived in the Veneti / Eneti region and founded Padua. So Padua is older than Rome. According to the 15th-century chronicler Guglielmo Ongarelli, the Paduan jurist Lovato Lovati (1241-1309) "stumbled upon" the tomb of the Trojan Antenor in 1274. In memory of the founder of the city, the arch of Antenor was erected (1283-1284)^.39 The city community took the memorial under protection and used the memory of the ancient hero for political purposes. Antenor as the founder of the city and his grave are mentioned in the description of Padua, contained in the sixth volume (1617) of the atlas of G. Brown ⁴⁰, in which an abridged version of the description of Lviv by I. Alembek was published. Johann Alembeck, like many of his compatriots, studied at the University of Padua and-

^{Weiss R.} 36 The Renaissance Discovery of Classical Antiquity. - Oxford, 1988. - P. 133.

³⁷ Ibid. - P. 134.

^{Jacks P.} 38 The Antiquarian and the Myth of Antiquity... - P. 41.

^{Weiss R.} 39 The Renaissance Discovery of Classical Antiquity. - P. 121.

^{Braun G} 40. Civitates orbis terrarum: Urbium praeciparum totius mundi. - Vol. 6. - N 55.

probably knew about the origin of the city and the tomb of its founder. This experience he consciously or not, but applied in the "topography of the city of Lviv".

Fighting for the Trojan Legacy

Humanists, like their predecessors, the medieval intellectuals, tended to explain what was new within the framework of what was already known, based on authoritative knowledge - ancient, biblical, patristic, and so on. When in the XIV-XV centuries. Europe was faced with the growing expansion of the Ottomans and humanists began to identify the Turks with the Trojans ("Teucras")⁴¹. Leonardo Bruni, Antonio Panormita, Marsilio Ficino and other humanists regularly used the term "Teucri"to refer to the Turks ("Turchi"). He appeared in the bulls and brevet of Pope Eugene IV, and in the official correspondence of Florence, Venice, and other Italian states.⁴² The basis of this identification is, on the one hand, etymology-the similarity of sound (Turks and Teucers), on the other - the fact that the core of the Ottoman state included the land with the ruins of Troy, near which their capital (before 1395) Bursa was located. However, this identification should not be taken as a combination of circumstances - the consonance of names and territorial proximity. The term "Teucerae" for the Trojans was known only to a small circle, and the fact that it was found to identify with the "Turks" suggests that it was searched for. This is also the case with territorial identification. While mentioning that there are remnants of Troy in the Ottoman lands, the humanists did not mention many other cities and states that existed in this territory before the Turks. Thus, we are dealing with a certain style of thinking, with a specific cognitive framework, within which we tried to fit new phenomena.

While the Ottomans were fighting the Persians, Tamerlane, Bulgarians and Serbs, everything was as if nothing had happened. However, when in 1453 they captured Constantinople - one of the pillars of European civilization - the attitude towards them, including on a symbolic level, began to change. Since the 1450s, the issue of terminology has already acquired political significance. The famous humanist Aenea Silvio Piccolomini (1405-1464; Bishop of Trieste from 1447, then Siena), in a letter to Pope Nicholas V written in 1453, objected to the identification of the Turks with the Trojans:

"Those who are now called Turks are not, as some believe, Trojans or Persians. They are a Scythian people from the Center of Barbaria; they are said to have lived in ancient times on the other side of the Euxine and the Pericaean Mountains, near the Northern Ocean, according to the philosopher Etihus. " ⁴³

After becoming pontiff under the name of Pius II (1458-1464), Piccolomini allegedly wrote (around 1460) a letter to the sultan, in which he called the Turks descendants of the Scythians, and Mehmed II (1451-1481) in his answer claimed that the Turks and Italians descended from the Trojans, and that he took revenge on the Greeks (Byzantines) for

^{Harper J.G.} 41 Turks as Trojans, Trojans as Turks: Visual Imagery of the Trojan War and the Politics of Cultural Identity in Fifteenth-Century Europe // Translating Cultures: Postcolonial Approaches to the Middle Ages / Ed. D.Williams, A.Kabir. - Cambridge; New York, 2005. - P. 151-152, 157-158, 168, 172.

^{Hankins J.} 42 Humanism and Platonism in the Italian Renaissance. - Roma, 2003. - Р. 331.

⁴³ Ibid.

Hector's death. The essence and meaning of this fictional (?) the correspondence was very well conveyed by M. Montaigne:

"Not only individual nations, but most peoples are trying to deduce their origin, relying on his (Homer's) inventions. Didn't Sultan Mehmed II of Turkey write to Pope Pius II: "I am amazed, why do the Italians agree and unite against me? Aren't we descended from the same Trojans, and don't I have the same goal as them - to avenge the blood of Hector on the Greeks they incite against me?" Isn't this a grand spectacle in which kings, Republicans, and emperors have been trying to play Homeric roles for so many centuries? " ⁴⁴

In 1463, the sultan allegedly visited the ruins of Troy and boasted that he had avenged the Trojans by conquering the Greeks. If this story, as well as the reply letter to the pope, is an invention of the Italian humanists, this only confirms a certain style of their thinking-they tried to fit new peoples into the ancient picture of the world.

The Trojan War topos was used in international relations. Within the cognitive framework mentioned above, the enmity in the Middle Ages between the Byzantines/Greeks and the Latins/ Romans has its roots in the time of the confrontation between the Greeks / Achaeans and Trojans (the ancestors of the Romans) near Troy. Medieval intellectuals were always on the lookout to provide their monarchs with an explanation for any conflict by saying that" we "are descendants of the Trojans/Romans, and" they " are descendants of the Greeks, or vice versa. ⁴⁵ The roles were already well known, it was only necessary to put on the appropriate masks.

As a result of the Ottoman conquests, there were gradual changes in the use of terminology. The term "Asia" referred to the ancient and Christian periods in the history of this region. When it came to modern times, the term "Barbaria" or "barbarian Turkey" (Turchia barbariorum) was used for the lands conquered by the Ottomans. The Turks were denied Trojan ancestry and pointed to their Scythian / Barbarian roots. Special treatises devoted to the ancestry of the Turks began to appear, among which one of the first was the "Book on the Origin of the Ottomans" ("Liber de familia Autumanorum") Niccolo Sagundino. In his elegant description of Asia and Europe(published in 1531), Piccolomini devoted a separate chapter to the origin of the Ottomans (Caput C " de Turcarum origine et moribus. Item de Ottomanorum progenie"), in which he criticized those who believed that the Turks ("Turci") are derived from the Teucri ("Teucri").

Asia-the cradle of humanity, the birthplace of the first ancestors, the source of power

Humanity originates from Asia. It was there that God created Adam, where the first generations of people were born and lived. Noah lived in Asia. During the flood, he and his relatives escaped in the ark, finally landing on the top of Ararat: "and stopped

^{Montaigne M.} 44 Experiments: Essays. - P. 577.

^{Hoppenbrouwers P} 45. Such Stuff as Peoples are Made on: Ethnogenesis and the Construction of Nationhood in Medieval Europe // The Medieval History Journal. - 2006. - Vol. 9. - N 2. - P. 204-206; Innes M. Teutons or Trojans? The Carolingians and the Germanic Past // The Uses of the Past in the Early Middle Ages / Ed. Y.Hen, M.Innes. - Cambridge, 2000. - P. 227-249; Parsons A.E. The Trojan Legend in England: Some Instances of Its Application to the Politics of the Times // Modern Language Review. - 1929. - Vol. 24. - N 3. - P. 253-264; N 4. - P. 394-408.

the ark in the seventh month, on the seventeenth day of the month, on the mountains of Ararat " (Genesis 8: 4). The French king's ambassador to the great khan in 1253-1255, Franciscan Guillaume de Rubroucq, in his report describing Armenia, noted that Noah and his relatives landed on Mount Masis (Ararat) and the remains of the ark are still preserved there. ⁴⁶ According to G. de Rubroucq, Armenians call the mountain "the Mother of the World". Marco Polo ("Li divisament du monde", 1298-1299), who traveled to Armenia around 1271, noted: "in Great Armenia, I will tell you again, on a high mountain - the ark of Noah" ⁴⁷. Getum of Korikos (1307) in the description of Armenia reported:

"Armenia has the highest mountain in the world, which is colloquially called Ararat. And on the top of this mountain, Noah's ark first stopped after the flood. And since there is a lot of snow that constantly covers that mountain, both in winter and in summer, no one can go up to that mountain. There is also a black object constantly visible on top of it, which everyone says is the ark. " ⁴⁸

Therefore, Ararat is the highest mountain in the world. It remained so for medieval Christians as well. Moreover, it was from here, from Armenia, from Asia, that the descendants of Noah began to settle, and the land was repopulated.

Medieval historians and encyclopedists, relying on the Biblical tradition (Exodus 10), derived the origin of all modern peoples from Noah. ⁴⁹ Humanists gradually supplemented this genealogy with elements of the ancient tradition. Thus, Enea Silvio Piccolomini, in his" elegant description of Asia and Europe " (1531), devoted a separate chapter 98 to the settlement of Asia ("which peoples first inhabited Asia"; Caput XCVIII "Qui primum populi Asiam coluerint") ⁵⁰. According to one version that Piccolomini gave, everything began with Armenia, from those people who came out of Noah's ark. Further, he divided the settlement of Asia into three stages chronologically, using the Trojan War as a time marker: the peoples who settled in Asia before it ("ante bellum Troianum"), the peoples whose exact settlement time is uncertain, including the Armenians ("et Armenii"), and, finally, the peoples who" after the destruction of Ilium, Asia competed"("post cladem Iliacam in Asiam puenisse") ⁵¹. in the description

⁴⁶ " near the city mentioned above (Nakhichevan - O. O.) there are two mountains on which the ark of Noah is said to have rested; there are two of these mountains, one larger than the other; at their foot flows the Araks. There is a certain city called Tsemanum, which means "eight"; it is said that it is so named from the eight men who came out of the ark and built the city on the larger of the mountains. many people tried to climb the mountain and couldn't. And the bishop mentioned (Armenian - A. A.) told me that a monk was very interested in this ascent, but an angel appeared to him, brought him a tree from the ark and told him not to try again. This tree was kept, they told me, in their church. At first glance, this mountain is not very high, so people could quickly climb it. However, an old man gave me a pretty convincing argument why no one should climb it. The name of the mountain is Masis, and it is a feminine word in their language. "No one should go to Masis," he said, " because it is the Mother of the World.""

(see: Rubruk G. de. Travel to the Eastern countries // Giovanni del Plano Carpini. History of the Mongols / Guillaume de Rubruk. Travel to the Eastern countries / The Book of Marco Polo / Introductory article, commentary by M. B. Gornung. Moscow, 1997, pp. 184-185).

⁴⁷ The Book of Marco Polo // Ibid., p. 204.

^Hayton 48. La for des estoires de la terre d'Orient. - P. 128 (in French), P. 268 (in Latin).

^{Hoppenbrouwers P} 49. Such Stuff as Peoples are Made on... - P. 200.

^{Piccolomini A.S.} 50 Asiae europaeque elegantis descriptio. - Basileae, 1531. - P. 272.

⁵¹ Ibid. - P. 278.

Piccolomini devoted chapter 64 to the Troas, and chapter 67 to Ilium. ⁵² The Taurus mountain system divides this Asia into six parts, including Cilicia, and separates Armenia from Mesopotamia.⁵³ "Noah's Ark rests on the mountains of Armenia after the flood" ⁵⁴. The Caucasus reaches India, and received its name from the soldiers of Alexander the Great. Piccolomini does not forget to add that Prometheus was chained to the Caucasus ("Promethei miracula") ⁵⁵. Consequently, ancient and biblical antiquities in the worldview of humanists coexist with modern realities, even have a greater symbolic meaning, so much more attention is devoted to them than, say, the Ottomans, who by that time had already captured and occupied the Caucasus. Asia Minor, and Armenia.

Finally, humanists intertwined the biblical and ancient traditions with the heroes of local pre-Christian myths. The identification of a certain biblical character with the ancient and barbarian ones made it possible to create new ethnogenetic genealogies. This synthesis was characteristic of German humanists, especially after Tacitus ' Germania was published. The German humanist Johann Thurmeier / Aventinus (1477-1534) wrote that Noah, known as Janus, whom the Germans call "Himmel", settled in Armenia after the flood. With his woman named Vesta or Nerta, Noah is the ancestor of all heroes. Tuiscon ("Tuisco"), the son of Noah, left Armenia with many heroes 131 years after the flood. The wife of the heroes who left Armenia included Homer, the father of Italy, and the Grandfather of Spain through her son Tag ("Tagus"). Ask, also known as Askenest or Ascanius, was a prince who left Tuiscon and settled in Prussia. Albion, also one of the first emigrants, occupied and named (in his honor) the island that became England and Scotland. Tuiscon himself, also known as "the giant" / "the giant", is the father of the Germans and the Vendians.⁵⁶ The basis for such genealogies could be the belief that the people who come directly from Armenia, the country where the ark of Noah stopped, and from where the habitation of the world began anew, are higher in status than other peoples. ⁵⁷

Thus, the settlement of Lviv at its very foundation by Armenian immigrants automatically raised the city's prestige in the eyes of educated readers in accordance with both Trojan and Biblical history.

Even further, the Polish Franciscan Wojciech Dembolencki (c.1585 - c. 1646), general of the society for the redemption of Christian prisoners from Turkish and Tatar captivity, followed. In 1626-1646. He mainly lived in Kamianets-Podilskyi and Lviv. At a time when European humanists were constructing prestigious genealogies of each nation, V. Dembolentsky decided to surpass everyone. In 1633, he published the book "the conclusion of the autocratic state of the world", in which he proved the primacy of Poles among other peoples of the world within the framework of Sarmatian Messianism. The first language in the world was Polish, which was spoken by God and Adam in paradise. From this language all the others are descended. Accordingly, the Poles (Scythians/Sarmatians) and in the future must fulfill the mission of liberating Asia and Africa from the hands of the infidels. Once their ancestor Polye moved the throne of peace from Lebanon to Poland. Now the King of Poland has

^{Piccolomini A.S.} 52 Asiae europaeque elegantis descriptio. - P. 169, 179.

⁵³ Ibid. - P. 12, 14.

⁵⁴ "Arca Noe in montibus Armeniae post diluvium resedit" // Ibid. - P. 98-99.

⁵⁵ Ibid. - P. 13.

^{Borchardt F.L.} 56 German Antiquity in Renaissance Myth. - P. 166.

^{Hoppenbrouwers P} 57. Such Stuff as Peoples are Made on... - P. 201, f. 30.

defeat the Turks and move the throne to Syria by installing it on a mountain in Lebanon. The treatise, like most similar books, is based on etymology. The etymology of Asia and Europe is very interesting. According to V. Dembolentsky, " Asia "is so called from the word" coming to life " ("Osyją"), since all created living beings came out of it or came to life. "Europe "should be called" born "("Narodycą"), since all the peoples from the primitive Asian Slavic-Poles were created in it. ⁵⁸ Therefore, Asia is not just a place of origin of humanity, where one should look for the prestigious roots of one's own nation (from the Trojans, descendants of Noah-residents of Armenia, etc.), but also a source of power, both political and sacred.

Symbolic Geography of Asia

Christianity originates from Asia. Asia is home to the Holy Land and Jerusalem. This is where most of the oldest Christian relics come from. Pilgrims go here. Christ was born and preached here. In Asia, most of the apostles were active, from whom the local peoples were directly baptized. The earliest Christian communities were in Asia Minor and Syria. They are addressed by the apostles in the Epistles, and they are listed by John the Theologian in the Book of Revelation. One of the most valuable sources in the history of early Christians was and remains the letters of the governor of Bithynia Pliny the Younger to the Emperor Trajan about Christians in his province on the border of the I-II centuries.

Armenia also plays a special role in the history of the spread of Christianity. Armenian historian Movses Khorenatsi (V century) reports that the Armenian king Abgar V (4 BC-50 AD), ruler of the city of Edessa in northern Syria, having learned about the healing of the sick by Christ, sent messengers to the Savior with a request to come to his city and heal from an ancient disease. In response, Christ dictated a letter to the Apostle Thomas, which was taken to Abgar by the apostle Thaddeus. He healed the king and other sick people, after which the ruler of Edessa and all the inhabitants of the city were baptized ⁵⁹. Thus, the Armenian king became the first state in the world to convert to Christianity. This story was known in Europe. I. Alembek also knew about it. In his description of the Armenian community in Lviv, he noted that Armenians"always remember Abgar, the first Christian Armenian tsar, in their liturgy." ⁶⁰ In 301, the Armenian monarch Trdat III declared Christianity the state religion in his kingdom, whereas in the Roman Empire in 312 it only acquired equal rights with pagan cults, and the status of a single state religion was received only in 395. This, too, was well known to European intellectuals. In particular, Piccolomini noted in his treatise that the Armenians were already Christians in the time of the Emperor Constantine.⁶¹

⁵⁸ "Azja powinna się nazywać "Ożyją", bo w niej powstała czyli ożyła wszelka rzecz stworzona, żyjąca, Europa - "Narodycą", bo się w niej wszystkie narody z pierwotnych azjatyckich słowiano-polaków potworzyły" (див.: Dębołęcki W. Wywód jednowładnego państwa świata. - Warszawа, 1633 [Електронний ресурс]: http://pl.wikipedia.org/wiki/Wojciech_Dębołęcki; http://pl.wikisource.org/wiki/ Encyklopedia_staropolska/Dembolecki_Wojciech

^{Movses Khorenatsi} 59. Istoriya Armenii: Kn. 2:30-33 [History of Armenia: Book 2: 30-33]. http://www.vehi.net/ istoriya/armenia/khorenaci/02.html

⁶⁰ "In Liturgia eorum semper recordantur Abgarii Regis Armenorum primi Christicolae" (див.: Alnpekius I. Topographia civitatis Leopolitanae. - P. 20).

^{Piccolomini A.S} 61. Asiae europaeque elegantis descriptio. - P. 113.

The ancient historian Appian of Alexandria (I-II centuries) in the introduction to his "Roman history" outlined the boundaries of the Roman state: "in Asia - the Euphrates River, Mount Caucasus, the kingdom of Greater Armenia, the Colchians living near the Euxine Pontus, and other countries along the shores of the same sea." ⁶² In another place, he again turns to the topic of borders, emphasizing the Caucasus and the Euphrates: "among the Romans, power extends from the extreme west and the westward-facing ocean to Mount Caucasus and the Euphrates River." ⁶³ As you know, the Euphrates River originates in the Armenian Highlands, and in the north Great Armenia reached the slopes of the Caucasus. (In Latin, Appian was printed in 1452, 1551, 1557, 1582, and 1634, indicating his popularity in Renaissance Europe.) So, the Caucasus and Euphrates are the borders of the Roman world ("Pax Romana") and the Mediterranean Ecumene as a whole. Further east is the mysterious Persia, fabulous India and fantastic countries and peoples. This scheme was adopted by the early Christians and became widespread in the worldview of medieval Europe. The Euphrates was also of great importance in Christian eschatology, where it served not only as a geographical boundary between our world and the non-world, but also as a chronological boundary between human time and the end of time. Here is how John the Theologian described the approach of the Last Judgment: "The sixth angel poured out his cup into the great river Euphrates:and the water was dried up in it, that the way might be prepared for the kings from the rising of the sun " (Revelation 16: 12). The disappearance of the Euphrates is a sign of the beginning of the end, by which the world returns to its original timeless state. It is also a sign of the disappearance of the boundary between "us" and" them", between the living and the dead, since all must appear before the judge at the Last Judgment.

On medieval maps of the world ("mappae mundi"), which had a circular shape, Asia occupied half of the territory, respectively, Europe and Africa were allocated a quarter. Europe and Africa were separated by the Mediterranean Sea, and the Don/Tanais and Nile Rivers separated them from Asia. Such maps are usually called "T-O" - maps where "O" is the outer horizons of the world, and " T " is the borders between its three parts, that is, the Mediterranean Sea, with the Nile and Tanais flowing into it. The T-O-kart center is always located in Jerusalem. These maps are always oriented to the east (and not to the north, as it is now). It was in the far East that cartographers depicted Paradise or the face of Christ.⁶⁴ It is in the east that the sun appears and from there Christ will come in the last days ("the sun of righteousness and healing will rise in his ray" (Malachi 4:2)) to judge people, both the living and those who will rise from the graves on the day of Judgment. In accordance with these ideas, the burial sites of Christians are oriented - with the head to the west, so that the face is turned to the east. So, the East was the sacred side of the world for Europeans, it was located in Asia. In the regions around Jerusalem, mainly between the Mediterranean Sea and the Euphrates, cartographers depicted the most symbols (the Red Sea, the Tower of Babel, Ararat and Noah's Ark, etc.) associated with the Old and New Testaments, which further emphasizes the importance of this part of the world for Christians.

^{Appian of Alexandria} 62. Roman history. Moscow, 2002, p. 7.

⁶³ ibid., p. 9.

^{Münkler M} 64. Experiencing Strangeness: Monstrous Peoples on the Edge of the Earth as Depicted on Medieval Mappae Mundi // The Medieval History Journal. - 2002. - Vol. 5. - N 2. - P. 195-221.

Leopolis among the stars

In ancient times, people started some important business only after consulting with fortune tellers, soothsayers, astrologers and performing appropriate rituals. From ancient literature, the ritual of divination by the flight of birds, performed by Romulus and Remus at dawn before the foundation of Rome and Alexander the Great before the foundation of Alexandria in Egypt, was well known. Rituals accompanied the very process of laying the foundation of the city, which, like a person, had a destiny and could be found out with the help of astrology. This science retained its importance in medieval and Renaissance Europe.⁶⁵

In the library of I. Alembek there were several books on astronomy and astrology (N 17 "Astrologia na Pargaminie", N 26 "Planetenbuch", N 113 " Astronomia niem.", N 116 "Sphera", N 152 " Astron. Niem.") ⁶⁶. making horoscopes was considered a sign of an educated person. A contemporary of I. Alembek, Doctor of Medicine Sebastian Petritsy (1554-1626), who lived in Lviv in 1591-1601, recorded in his small diary not only the birthdays of his sons,but also the hours when it happened. ⁶⁷ Of course, this was done to compile their horoscopes. I. Alembek in " topography..."I paid great attention to the descriptive coat of arms that Pope Sixtus V approved for Lviv on September 15, 1576, in particular to the stars depicted there. The city got its name from Prince Leo, but this did not prevent at all from comparing it with the constellation Leo and talking about its zodiac meaning for the "city of the Lion". This was later done by a native of Lviv, professor of the Zamoyski Academy Basil Rudomich, when in 1651 he published a eulogy for his native city. On the reverse side of the title page is placed the coat of arms of the city, where the lion is depicted as a constellation and the meaning of each star is explained by the author of the eulogy on the following pages. He identified the stars with the prefect, the castellan, the magistrate, the cathedral, the Dominicans, the Jesuits, monasteries, and the like. It is interesting that the fifth star is identified with the followers of the "Greek-Ruthenian rite" and Armenians, the sixth-with other philistines (Catholics) and their virtues ⁶⁸. Astronomy / astrology was a very common component of panegyrics. Thus, the panegyric in honor of King Michal-Koribut Vishnevetsky B. Rudomich also began with his horoscope ⁶⁹. Naturally, the constellation Leo itself in the starry sky corresponded to the "Lion city" on earth. A long-time member of the city magistrate, Jozef-Bartolomei Zimorovich (1597-1677), in the introduction to his history of the city "triple Lviv", which he worked on for the last twenty years of his life, wrote in the dedication to the city Senate::"I decided to add splendor to your lion, which has settled under the Sarmatian sun, with a historical torch" ⁷⁰. further, describing the coat of arms of the city

^{Westman R} 65. Rola astronoma w XVI wieku // Odrodzenie i Reformacja w Polsce. - 1982. - T. 27. - S. 19-56.

^{Skoczek J.} 66 Lwowskie inwentarze biblioteczne w epoce renesansu. - S. 334-346.

⁶⁷ Diariusz S. Petrycego // Barycz H. Sebastian Petrycy - uczony doby odrodzenia. - Warszawa, Wrocław, 1957. - S. 36-37.

^{Rudomicz B.} 68 Leo Leopoliensis, Principis in Palatinatu Russiae Urbis. - Zamosciae, 1651. - P. 81 А.

^{Rudomicz B.} 69 Corona de lapidibus pretiosis. - Zamoscii, 1669. - P. B2.

⁷⁰ "Leoni autem vestro, in sole Sarmatico hospitanti, pompam face historiali addere statui" (див.: Zimorowicz Iosephus Bartholomei. Leopolis triplex // Zimorowicz J.B. Opera, quibus res gestae urbis Leopolis illustrantur / Еd. C.J.Heck. - Lwów, 1899. - P. 4).

("Stemma Leopolitanum"), noted that it was granted by a Russian prince in ancient times, as indicated by the" ice bear (Polar Star - O. O.) accompanying this solar wild beast (Lion - O. O.) " ⁷¹. Indeed, the zodiacal Lion is associated with the Sun. In the first volume of the atlas of G. Brown (which I. Alembek had in his library), the description of the city of Prague contains astrological calculations of its foundation.⁷²

However, in the"topography..." of I. Alembek, there are no direct references to any astronomical calculations or horoscopes of his native city. However, if later Baroque authors openly inserted astrological subjects in their works, I. Alembek, as a representative of the Renaissance, could act more elegantly and veiled, as he often did, using the allusion technique. In late Medieval and Renaissance astrology, each country and city was associated with a particular zodiac sign and planet ⁷³. For example, Leo of the House of the Sun ("Leo domus Solis") belonged to Rome, Paris, Ravenna, Cremona, etc. So, this sign would be very prestigious for Lviv. But the cancer of the house of the Moon ("Cancer domus Lune") belonged to" barbarian Turkey "("Turchia barbariorum") ⁷⁴, in the possession of which was Asia (Asia Minor), Troy, and Cilicia. We can assume that when describing the foundation of Lviv, I. Alembek deliberately mentioned "Armenian Asian warriors", thus concealing certain astrological calculations that are well understood by his educated contemporaries, but are not clear to us. Armenians from Asia (barbarian Turkey) arrived in the city of Leo. You can read it like this: Cancer from the house of the Moon came to Leo from the House of the Sun. The moon is a symbol of Islam, and the sun is a symbol of Christ. Cancer is known to move backwards, unlike other creatures that are normal. So, cancer is a deviation from the norm. If Catholics are the norm (correct Christians), then Monophysite Armenians are a deviation from the norm. Therefore, their identification with the constellation of Cancer is quite possible. Thus, heretical Armenians from an Islamic country came to a Christian city.

What exactly happened in 1270, which I. Alembek noted as the date of the foundation of the city, in the starry sky, in what relations there were zodiac signs and different "houses", we, in the absence of astrological education, cannot guess. However, I. Alembek could even make certain predictions about the future of the city in this way, avoiding any responsibility (at that time he was in conflict with the city authorities), because he did not make a horoscope directly.

Leopolis among the cities of the Earth's circle

Since I. Alembek created the description of Lviv for G. Brown's Atlas, it would be logical to assume that while working on the "topography..." he followed certain samples from the first volumes of the " bridge of the earth circle "(1572, 1575, 1581), which are already available in his father's library (according to the inventory of property in 1588).. At least, if the descriptions of cities from the first volumes of the Atlas did not serve for I. Alembek.

⁷¹ "glacialis ursa, solari huic animali inhospita adstipulatur" // Ibid. - P. 46.

^{Braun G.} 72 Civitates orbis terrarum: Urbium praeciparum totius mundi. - Vol. 1. - N 29.

^{Jacks P.} 73 The Antiquarian and the Myth of Antiquity... - P. 60.

⁷⁴ Ibid. - P. 289, f. 230.

If so, he certainly could not escape their influence. In many descriptions of cities in the first volume, there are versions of their origin. According to our calculations, the founding of six cities was attributed to the Trojans.

Already in the first description, with reference to the medieval English chronicler Godfrey of Monmouth, it is indicated that Brutus laid London, and it had the name" New Troy "("Troia nova" - "Trinovantum"). However, the author also gave another version, according to which in the time of Julius Caesar, the city was surrounded by walls of Lud and called "Caier Lud", which means "city of Lud" in the British language (hence London - "Lundres"). The author went on to say that John Zelandus believes that "Trinovantum", in British "trenovante", should be translated as "oppidum novum", that is, "new city", and not "Troia nova" ("New Troy") ⁷⁵. So, the methodology is based on etymology, which derived the name of the city from the founder. This technique was based on consonance and the idea of name distortion in different languages (elements of comparative linguistics: Latin and British). It is characteristic that the author did not formulate his own hypothesis, but gave versions of various origins. On the other hand, the description contains elements of criticism of traditional mythography based on pseudoethymology.

The description of Paris, which was called "Lutetia Parisiorum", was much simpler. The author noted that the city was founded by the Trojan Paris, who descended from the descendants of Japheth, the son of Noah, whom the sources call the eighteenth Celtic king of Gaul. Both versions of the first part of the ancient name Lutetius are based on pseudoethymology, on the principle of consonance. ⁷⁶ Regarding Rome, a well - known version is given (with reference to Dionysius of Halicarnassus) about Romulus, a descendant of Aeneas, who came to Italy with the Trojans.⁷⁷ The author of the description of Genoa ("Genua" - "Ianua") gave several options for the foundation of the city. After one of them, the city was built by Janus, King of Italy in ancient times, and after the other by the Trojan king Jan ⁷⁸. The Spanish city of Esiha, Astir or Astigis ("Astir, sive Astigis, vulgo Eciia") was founded by the Trojan hero Astir, who was the charioteer of King Memnon, a participant in the Trojan War, after which he sailed Spain ⁷⁹. Mainz ("Moguntia") in Germany just founded a certain Trojan ("Troianus") ⁸⁰.

The Greeks, the Trojans ' enemies, made much less "effort" to urbanize Europe. In the first volume, only one city - Lisbon ("Olisipo nunc Lisbon") - has Odysseus as its founder/⁸¹. This may indicate that the Greek founders were less popular than the Trojans. A certain exception was perhaps Hercules / Hercules. The city of Nim ("Nemausum") was founded by his son Nemaus ("A Nemauso Herculis flio") ⁸². Poitiers ("Pictavis") were founded by Pieti ("Pieti") - descendants of Heracles ' sons Agafirs and Gelon ⁸³. Two versions are given about the Hungarian capital Buda. One by one, it was founded by Buda, Attila's brother,

^{Braun G} 75. Civitates orbis terrarum: Urbium praeciparum totius mundi. - Vol. 1. - N 1 а

⁷⁶ Ibid. - N 7.

⁷⁷ Ibid. - N 45.

⁷⁸ Ibid. - N 44.

⁷⁹ Ibid. - N 5.

⁸⁰ Ibid. - N 37.

⁸¹ Ibid. - N 1.

⁸² Ibid. - N 9.

⁸³ Ibid. - N 8.

On the other hand, the Budins mentioned by Herodotus ⁸⁴. However, the German city of Trier ("Treveris") surpassed all competitors. A reader of the atlas might know that it was founded by Trebeta, the son of Nina and Semiramis of Assyria, in 1947 B.C., in the time of Abraham ⁸⁵.

At the same time, it should be noted that the authors of the descriptions of the cities mentioned above did not construct these legends, but only used what was invented before them. That is why they gave two or more versions of the origin of a particular city, without giving preference to any of them. Some, like the author of the description of London, resorted to criticism. At the time of the publication of the atlas by G. Brown, the search for prestigious ancestors was already beginning to be perceived more as a literary device, a tribute to tradition, than an identification of genuine antiquity.

In the XVI century. critical voices of opponents of mythography began to be heard more and more often. The Scottish historian John Major (1469-1550), in his History of Great Britain (1521), rejected the stories of Scota, the Pharaoh's daughter, from whom Scotland supposedly got its name. The Italian historian Polydorus Virgil went even further in his History of England (1534). He criticized Godfrey of Monmouth^'s account of Brutus, son of Sylvius, descendant of Ascanius, son of Aeneas, who came to Britain at the behest of the goddess Diana, destroyed the local giants, and gave the island its own name. Polydorus Virgil noted:

"Neither Livy, nor Dionysius of Halicarnassus, who wrote carefully about Roman antiquities, nor any other author ever mentioned this Brutus, who is also not mentioned in the chronicles of the Britons, since they long ago lost all the books of their monuments, as Gilda notes, writing about 580 AD of our Saviour. [ ... ] in the old days they were tempted to this right and freedom, so that many nations were so bold as to derive the beginnings of their ancestry from the gods (especially the Romans), imagining that the origin of their people or city could be more noble and prosperous. " ⁸⁷

The French historian Etienne Pasquier, in his Studies of France (1560), not only questioned the Trojan origin of the Gauls and the existence of Francion, from which the name of the French was derived, but also generally explained the phenomenon of the search for glorious ancestors:

"As far as the Trojans are concerned, it is truly impressive that every nation agrees to feel very honored to derive its ancient lineage from the destruction of Troy. Thus, the Romans claim that their ancestor was Aeneas, the French - Francion, the Turks-Turkus, the British-Brutus, and the first inhabitants of the Adriatic are praised by Antenor. It was as if Troy was the cradle of the knights responsible for the beginning

^{Braun G} 84. Civitates orbis terrarum: Urbium praeciparum totius mundi. - Vol. 1. - N 41.

⁸⁵ Ibid. - N 36.

⁸⁶ For more information on the mythographic constructions of Godfrey of Monmouth, see Ingledew F. The Book of Troy and the Genealogical Construction of History: The Case of Geoffrey of Monmouth's Historia regum Britanniae // Speculum. - 1994. - Vol. 69. - N 3. - P. 665-704.

^{Burke P.} 87 The Renaissance Sense of the Past. New York, 1970, pp. 71-72.

all other countries, and as if God's providence caused the destruction of one nation just to raise a hundred others to glory. For my part, I dare not deny the idea, nor accept it. It seems to me that it is a very sensitive issue to discuss the origin of nations. Since at first they were so insignificant that the ancient authors did not bother to spend their time discussing their beginnings, so little by little the memory of these beginnings completely disappeared, whether it was replaced by beautiful but implausible myths. A similar mistake is made by those who try in vain to tell us, on the basis of extant evidence and etymology, who was the founder of each city. Not that I want to say that this will never be possible, but that it is only possible when a prince or great ruler deliberately decided to build some city or make it independent with extraordinary grandeur. Thus Constantinople was founded by Constantine, and Alexandria in Egypt by Alexander the Great. " ⁸⁸

However, it was only in the 17th century that Western Europe gradually lost its "Trojan roots".

The appeal to the Trojan ancestors also took place in the Ukrainian lands of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. A contemporary of I. Alembek, Martin Groeneweg (1562-1606), a native of Gdansk (in 1582-1588. clerk in the service of the Lviv merchant Armenian Asadur), during a commercial trip in 1584. was in Kiev and noted in his diary that some Kievans believe that their city stands on the site of ancient Troy: "Many of them They also believe that Troy stood on the same spot. "⁸⁹ M. Gruneveg criticized the local Trojan legend:" it is also known that Troy lies in Asia Minor, about 300 miles from Kiev." ⁹⁰. This legend was also known to Sebastian Klenovich, who criticized it in his poem "Roxolania" (1584).:

"Everywhere on the levades, you can see the stones of the destroyed walls, / the remains of ancient ruins are already overgrown with herbs. / Some speculate that here we should look for Phrygian Troy, / Which, in my opinion, is an empty phrase-this invention of theirs. / Where are these rivers today that would dye wool like your once pure drinking water, Xanthe? / Come, show Simoent the waters and go to the springs , / it is atam, near them, that ancient Troy was. " ⁹¹

The famous Polish poet Jan Kochanowski (1530-1584) criticized the medieval legend about the origin of Czechs and Poles from Czech and Lech ⁹².

On the other hand, it was impossible to completely ignore the Trojan tradition. It had a completely obvious function: by proving its Trojan origin, the political community at the local and national levels could achieve recognition as a worthy member of the post-Trojan pan-European Commonwealth. ⁹³ It was the formula

⁸⁸ Ibid. - P. 73.

^{Gruneveg M.} 89 the famous City of Kiev / / Universe. - 1981. - N 5. - P. 207.

⁹⁰ ibid.

^{Klenovich S. F.} 91 Roksolani / / Ukrainian poetry of the XVI century-K., 1978. - p. 153.

^{Malicki J.} 92 Legat wieku rycerskiego: Studia staropolskie dawne i nowe. - Katowice, 2006.

^{Hoppenbrouwers P.} 93 Such Stuff as Peoples are Made on... - P. 203.

"exodus-journey-arrival", based on the story of the migration of the Trojans from Asia Minor to Italy, was the basis of most ethnogenetic concepts in medieval and Renaissance Europe. ⁹⁴

Humanists created within the framework of nuance culture. "The image was everything, and historical writing was a means of creating (or destroying) images... Reputation depended on the actions of one's immediate ancestors as much as on one's personal actions. The living and the dead were bound together in a single continuum, the fabric of which is woven by the narratives of historians. " ⁹⁵

Johann Alembeck never used mythography or pseudoethymology. His main technique was more sophisticated allusions. Not wanting to write/invent something that did not have any grounds, written sources or material evidence, I. Alembek used allusions that had not so much informative as compositional meaning, helped him form the structure of the work and make the desired impression on the reader. That is why he specifically singled out the settlement in Lviv during the founding of the city of "Armenian Asian warriors", unobtrusively emphasizing the city's connection with Asia - the cradle of all peoples and heroes, and with Armenia. Accordingly, there was an allusion to Rome, which was founded by descendants of Trojans - natives of Asia, while when Lviv was founded, Armenians - natives of Asia settled in it. This automatically increased the prestige of a city located somewhere on the border with Tatarstan in the eyes of educated Western European readers.

The article deals with the Renaissance urban historiography and mythography. Author puts the description of L'viv foundation by Johannes Alembek into wider context of Renaissance historical writing. Starting with the question why J.Alembek in his narrative devoted the main attention to the invitation of Armenian warriors by the princes Danylo and Lev, the article then examines issues what models of a city foundation were seen as prestigious and why. The article analyses Renaissance concepts of time and ethnogenesis, as well as representation of "Troy" and "Asia" in humanist literature.

^{Hoppenbrouwers P.} 94 Such Stuff as Peoples are Made on... - P. 197, 201.

^{Ianziti G.} 95 Leonardo Bruni, the Medici, and the Florentine Histories // Journal of the History of Ideas. - 2008. - Vol. 69. - N 1.