Автор: Anatoly Mikhailov, Academician, Rector of the European Humanitarian University

I am happy to present today's seminar as a continuation of the discussion which began last year in this very meeting hall. Those who took part in the first seminar may remember the topic of our discussion. It dealt with the urgent necessity to continue the exchange of opinions regarding questions which are still far from being decided. So far, they have more worsened the relationship between our countries than attested to its improvement.

I would display a disregard toward this audience if I limited my report to a mere list of ideas on the specifics of the geopolitical position of Belarus and the ensuing prospects for political and economical relations in the region. Realizing the republic's "crossroad" position, in itself, is a move toward taking advantage of the topographical singula- rity of Belarus' location. Belarus, regarding its history, must first of all deal with the traditio-nal references to a long period of absence of national statehood and the resulting lack of clearly articulated stances on independence and sovereignty. Here, we face a fixation of facts that have been freely interpreted, and which lay only on the surface, unrevealing of the processes of their formation. This, in turn, does not contribute to the acquirement of sufficient concepts which can lead to an understanding of the present and future of Belarus in the midst of today's transitional Europe.

European integration, whose processes continue to accumulate momentum, is the result of political decisions that were concluded during the enthusiastic wave which followed the annihilation of the Berlin wall and the communistic ideologies that it symbolized. The euphoria that bore the idealistic perception of radical modifications on the European continent can only give way now to more reserved, realistic estimates of the process itself and of the phases of European integration and the possibility of other countries' entering into it. In reference to this, it is not inapposite to mention the Congress which was recently held in Switzerland, where a majority of the previously quelled voices displayed negative opinions about participation in the EU. We may remember Norway's, and other countries', reserved positions, the increase in oppositional feeling from those layers of the population that tend to be radically disposed, the worried agricultural producers, and many other factors that contribute to a more realistic understanding of the genuine hardship that comes with the integration process. Evidently, all of this is completely natural; there's no need for an excessive dramatization of current events. And, perhaps, the largest matters have yet to be thought of and realized.

I'd like to draw one's attention, however, to the fact that a necessary condition and premise for these developing processes may be the implicated and indispensable understanding of Europe rather than its geographical location. In this light, one may observe, for example, certain "European features" of the countries on the North American continent.

One may think that it's unnecessary to reproduce the major counterparts of the spirit of Europeanism, European mentality, and practices of the European lifestyle: the Greek police, Roman rights, the ideals and norms of scientific rationality, enlightenment ideas, the traditions of University education, religious values, etc.

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These and other things create a certain background on which one can speak of the integrity and uniqueness of the European confession and culture. Upon this very background, modern integration processes may be possible.

In what capacity may we say that this background, which is a necessity for the present integration processes and even provides possibilities for these processes, is something that is perpetual, complete, belongs to any European, and contributes to the constitution of his life? The history of European civilization is evidence of the implied background in which the unity of European cultural values has been kept, and only exists as a result of the perpetual and diligent efforts the society as a whole. In it are implied systems of rearing, education, social organization, and the combined potential for the actualization of these values which has vetted its people with life and vitality in each generation. Here, I'm hardly talking about the hard salvation which accompanies any of these elements: it's evident enough. One cannot but indicate that the history of the 20th century has already revealed significant limitations and restrictions of the European mentality's previous system of meaningful directions. Many of the things which had been considered inviolable, were discredited. Moreover, they lost habitual importance. The current condition of disorientation experienced by the European individual is due to many factors. One of the most powerful of those is the globalization process in the modern world, and the relativization of the things that had been formed within the frames of European civilization.

The 20th century is an epoch of unprecedented range in regard to the mass movements and social tragedies that have sprung from ethnic, religious, and ideological grounds. It turns out that European cultural values, which had been cultivated traditionally, were not sufficient enough to avert the hundreds of destructive conflicts whose price was paid with millions and millions of people's lives. Now, at the threshold of the 21st century, Europe is still not devoid of those radical and extremist elements which may be, and already are, a threat to its society. Therefore, that which could turn out to be a necessary premise and condition for the integration processes and which could exist as an implicit background for these processes does not act in an automatic regimen, even relatively, to the mentality of the modern European person. Should one expect that the mental schemes, value orientations, and mental programs, which have been realized and applied to another region, I mean the regions of Belarus and Russia, can be effective in this case?

We find ourselves in a situation where the long awaited processes for the reformation of our previous Soviet life have caught us off guard. Even the vital potential, opportunities, and features for the sustenance of life borrowed from other systems is out of our reach. On the other hand, Western methods have afforded us with probated schemes, cliches, and ideas which are relative to the present region, but have worsened the difficult situation as opposed to solving it. As a result, a serious problem has come to light: the results of our activities are too often counter-productive, and differ too much from those we are so eager to achieve.

We, meaning our republic, our country, have existed for ten years already. And our Republic is not just a crossroad location. This crossroad should be filled with a definite sense, much like we speak of the meaningful emphasis and rich content of Europe. The situation in Belarus is characteristic of the fact that, in its prior history, there were many instances where our role as a "crossroad" varied. The vectors of this effect were such that they created potential possibilities for a specific quality of Belarus. But on the other hand, they complicated its self-definition and the self- identification of the country. As a result, years have been spent, and not as we would have liked them to be spent, facing the problem that we still need deeper thoughts about the significant content of this meaningful place, the Republic of Belarus.

This is why the problem of our own inadequacy-in itself, as it relates to our feeling of history, and regarding the processes that are being realized in modern Europe-is the main issue. Unfortunately, current political situations and relations are often fulfilled on a rather futile level. Each time, we are inspired by new projects which do not correspond the uniqueness of our traditions, state of consciousness, and all that happens in our region. The politics of the West, more often than not, supposes the presence of this kind of background which, as I have already mentioned, does not act in an automated regimen relative to Europe or to itself. Less effective politics of this kind that are formulated in German, in a language of different

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values, have turned out to be applicable to the region. This is why, I suppose, we can learn some valuable lessons in this seminar. I'm very aware that the famous proverb "History teaches us that it has never taught anyone anything" can be true, but only if we choose to allow it.

I feel the impulse of today's seminar, and think that it can be the beginning of the radical thinking of the situation which has being realized in Europe. I'm absolutely sure that today many opinions will be discussed concerning the appearance of new delimitate lines, borders, and eventually as a counterpoise to the previous statements, which have been actively cultivated up to now in Europe and the West. We face a sort of defenselessness, sorry for my retort, of the Western politics in relation to the present region. I'm certainly not trying to clear our name; we are guilty of some of the not-too-pleasant characteristics, but only as a result of the efforts of professional society (and I suppose we are now within the frames of this kind of society). We may now be able to build relationships in which there will not be a repeat of previous mistakes.

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